The Philippines in 2015: Slowly, on the Straight and Narrow

The year preceding a presidential election in the Philippines is a year of political caution where aspirants try to tread carefully over what is one of the most unpredictable political landscapes in the region. The same can be said of the current administration under the leadership of Simeon Benigno C. Aquino III, who rose to prominence and eventually won the presidency after his mother’s death.¹

President “P-Noy” Aquino began his political career as the representative of the 2nd Congressional District of Tarlac, from where his family hails, and which he initially won in 1998. He eventually won a Senate seat in 2007 with seemingly no further political ambitions, until his mother’s death in August 2009. This galvanized the support for Senator Aquino as evidenced by succeeding polls and an eventual victory by around forty-two per cent of the vote in the 2010 presidential election.

It can be surmised that in his last year as President, the administration rhetoric of tuwid na daan (straight path) is being watched by supporters and critics alike, as a legacy beyond that which his family name has brought him. There have been definite gains in political, economic and social areas, which may, at least in part, be attributed to reforms by the Aquino administration:

• • The country has improved its standing in the Corruption Perception Index, from a 2012 score of 34 to a 2014 score of 38;²

• • The improvement in sovereign credit ratings (most recently from the Japan Credit Rating Agency [JCR] from BBB to BBB+);³

• • The passage of key legislation such as Republic Act 10354, “An Act Providing for National Policy on Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health”; and

• • Increased domestic and foreign tourism.

The third quarter gross domestic product results show that the Philippines grew at six per cent, the third strongest in the region. While it is likely that the country will miss its yearly growth target, the head of the National Economic Development Authority, Arsenio M. Balisacan, notes that the country has not yet met its full economic potential.⁴

The country’s hosting of the 2015 APEC Summit also contributed to its positive international image as the red carpet was rolled out for heads of state, including United States President Barack Obama. Among the most notable commitments to the Philippines were the pledges made by the United States and Japan on further security cooperation. The APEC meetings yielded multiple agreements and saw around 10,000 delegates participating in multi-venue events, but they held parts of the nation’s capital hostage to restricted road and air traffic. The notoriously clogged streets were bereft of traffic and, as with the visit of Pope Francis in January 2015, reports surfaced of metropolitan “housekeeping” to ensure the acceptability of conspicuous areas. Protests were also reported during the week-long APEC meetings held in Manila.

Similarly challenging were the protests in August of this year by the Iglesia ni Cristo (INC) evangelical church on some major roads in Metro Manila (including the main artery of the metropolis, EDSA). The protests were directed at the investigation conducted by the Department of Justice based on a complaint of illegal detention by one of the group’s ministers. The INC has considerable clout due to its one million plus votes from a solid membership base.⁵

The realities tied to the INC protests and the APEC summit have highlighted the economic, social and political gaps that put particular elite groups at an advantage and others at a distinct disadvantage, with the austere governance promised by the administration not being enough to bridge these gaps. Other issues, such as the case of Mary Jane Veloso, a Filipina currently held on reprieve in Indonesia on drug smuggling charges, highlighted the need for other crucial sectors, such as overseas Filipino workers, to be heard by policymakers and government agencies alike.

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