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REVIEWS OF BOOKS 871 series "by distinguished social scientists andofficials fromthe Commonwealth designed to givein broadscope theresults of wide andmatureresearch on andinterpretation of the Commonweakh." Intothese threelectures Underhill hasdistilledthe essence of a lifetime's cogentthinkingon the evolution of the Commonwealth. Theyare a delightto read,astheymusthavebeento hear,fortheyarefull ofpenetrating wit andwisdom. The first,entitled"The LiberalVictorianEmpire,"begins:"Like somany otherpractical gadgets formaking life onthisplanetmoreefficient andmore comfortable,the British Commonwealthwas invented in America." This was, as Underhillexplains, on the eve of the AmericanRevolution when some leading Americans advanced the doctrine of constitutional equalitybetween thecolonies andthemother country. Thereisnomention of theevenclearer contemporary visionof the modernCommonwealth that was conceived in Scotland by AdamSmith.Excellent asis the explanation of the foundation of theCommonwealth in theEmpiredownto 1914,onemisses anyreference to a numberof important things.Theseincludethe liberalization of the old colonial system beforethetriumphof freetradein Britain,theinfluence of the close juxtaposition of the UnitedStates to BritishNorthAmerica in bringing theconcession of responsible government, theeffectof thatconcession andof theheavymigration to the colonies in reviving the faithof the Empire,and theenlightening contrast between Irishandcolonial policy. Butanhour's discourse onsuchanimmense subject hastobehighlyselective. The nextlecture, onwhatishereaptlycalled"TheFirstCommonwealth," whichemerged fromtheFirstWorldWar, deals with theimperial federation movement, its extinction underthe pressure of dominion nationalism during thatwar, andthe constitutional shaping of the Commonwealth downto the Second WorldWar. Mr. Underhill admits that the argument for imperial federation as developed by LionelCurtiswas unanswerable, but doesnot examine whydominion nationalism wasableto kill theRound Tableproject. What destroyed thecompelling forceof thatargument wasthe revolution in worldoutlook wrought by theAmerican entryintothewar.The omission of thisexplanation seems a {lawin an otherwise masterly treatment. The last lecture, on"TheSecond Commonwealth," whichliketheFirstsprang froma xvorld warbut differs radically in thatit embraces nations of non-European stock, some of whichhaverichandancient cultures andarerepublics, raises thechallenging question thatonlythefuture cananswer: Will it continue to hangtogether? Throughout thislittlebook, whichisbigwithmeaning, Professor Underhill shows howthe constitutional evolution of the Empireand Commonwealth resembles thatof the mother country in beingan empirical process, each successive change being anadjustment to accommodate animmediate urgent need. There isafinely selected bibliography. A. L. BUnT The University of Minnesota A Historyo[ the English-Speaking Peoples. I. The Birtho[ Britain.By Sir W•NsTo•Cutmcm•.•.. Toronto:McClelland& StewartLimited. 1956. Pp. xxii,521,maps.$6.50. BYanystandard, thisfirstvolume ofA History o[theEnglish-Speaking Peoples is a brilliantandsustained pieceof historical writing.Sir Winstonmakes his 372 THE CANADIAN HISTORICAL REVIEW owninterpretation of history andfollows hisownpaths, ashehaseveryright to do. He explicitlydisclaims a desireto rival the worksof the professional historians; andheexplains thathehasaimedat presenting a personal viewof the process whereby English speaking peoples throughout the worldhave achievedtheir distinctive positionand character; but the resultis indeed remarkable. It is a work which, dissociated as far as that is possible from Churchill the statesman, andjudgedby the normally accepted standards of historical writing,hasqualities of permanence andgreatness. Whenwe learn thata goodpartof it waswrittenby 1939,andput aside whilsttheauthor wentoutandmadehistory(notfor the firsttime) until 1955,we canonly marvelat itsfreshness andvigour.Whenwe recallthe vastand intractable materialwhichat all timesconfronted Sir Winston,we may unreservedly admirethe extentto whichhe hasmastered the periodandimprinted upon it hisownstrong personality. Hehas, indeed, littlepatience with"science" and "obiectivity," or at leastforwhatoftenpasses for thesequalities in historical writing;andhishistory is almost asimportant for the lightit sheds onthe leader ofBritain in 1940asfortheportrayal it gives of thefoundations upon which that Britain was built. Writingasa statesman andlife-long politician, SirWinstonconcentrates on political history; in thishejoins everygreatexponent ofthecraftsince Thucydides . He isat hisbestin describing thegivingandtakingof hardknocks in thevariedstoryof English politicallife; in the endurance of menfightingfor a rightorforexistence; in thesurvival of stubborn communities through manmadecalamities likethe Saxon invasions or naturalcatastrophes liketheBlack Death.He hasbroadsympathies aswellassome strong aversions (ashislong life bearsampletestimony); but he neverfailsto honour, whenever he finds it, loveof the country andthe community of one's birth:"it is the primary rightof mento die andkill for thelandtheylivein, andto punish with exceptional severity all members of theirownracewhohavewarmedtheirhands at theinvaders' hearth." Mediaeval England wasfull of greatmenof action andof greatideals, andtheyall, or nearlyall, cometo robust andcolourful life underSirWinston's sympathetic pen. Despite allhisloveofaction andhisperspective, however, SirWinston does not seemto seethe mediaeval periodas anythingbut a preludefor what follows; it wasessentially a "dark,troubled story," nottheexuberant beginnings ofthemodern achievement. Onewouldhavethought thatthespiritoftheage, aswell asof the outstanding individuals, wouldhaveappealedirresistibly to thegreatmodern Crusader; but,rightlyor wrongly, SirWinston's antipathies are too strong.He doesnot evenmake muchof the astonishing political achievements of feudalEngland: the reconciliation of...

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