Culture, Poverty and Education in Appalachian Kentucky

10 Culture, Poverty and Education in Appalachian Kentucky Constance Elam Appalachian Kentucky has a long history ofpoverty and subsistence living that has permeated the social structure and culture, including public education. Consequently, poverty has actually postponed or delayed the development of public education, as well as contributed to nonparticipation in the education system by much of the population well into the 20th century (McVey, 1949). "Livin's more important than schoolin'" is a powerful statement by one mountain woman that condenses a complex socioeconomic situation into the priorities of mountain life (Reck & Reck, 1980, p. 19). Four books are considered necessary background reading before beginning any project in Appalachian studies: Appalachia on Our Mind (Shapiro, 1978); Yesterday's People (Weller, 1965); Miners, Mil/hands, and Mountaineers (Eller, 1982); and Night Comes to the Cumberland (Caudill, 1963). These four sources are consistently cited in the majority of the literature on Appalachia. The authors describe a multifaceted culture that includes geographic and social isolation; the relationship of the people to the land; the value of kinship ties; the relevance ofschooling; a stagnant economy; distrust of outsiders and government; powerlessness and reluctance to change; fatalism; and the results ofpolitical and economic exploitation (Ball, 1969; Billings, 1974; DeYoung, 1995; Fisher, 1977; Gaventa, 1977; Lewis, 1970; Miller, 1977). The interconnections of all ofthese characteristics make the study ofjust one or two characteristics difficult. Historical and Sociological Overview The fIrst settlers to the Kentucky mountains were English, Scottish, and Irish immigrants to the United States. They were a strong and stubborn lot, opinionated and often cruel (McVey, 1949; Weller, 1965). The collective group reflected the perennial frontiersmen, interested in freedom from the restraints of law, order, and a differing culture. Settling into wealth, comfort, and the benefIts of a regulated society was not the mountaineer dream or preference (Caudill, 1963; Weller, 1965). The settlers in the mountains were rugged, ingenious, and wanted to be left alone. When commerce, industry, and education were growing and developing in much of the country, little change or progress found its way into the Appalachian Mountains (Clarke, 1997; Shapiro, 1978). Education and Culture Spring 2002 Vol. XVIII No. 1 Appalachian Kentucky had a "closed door" culture that was fIercely independent. Independence gradually became staunch individualism. The "public good" was ofno interest unless it coincided with "private good." Subsequently, the Appalachian people became existence-oriented rather than improvement-oriented (Shapiro, 1978; Weller, 1965). This traditional status quo held a certain comfort, and change was undesirable. Fatalism and religious fundamentalism developed to deal with 'the harshness of the land, the consequences ofpoverty, and the physical isolation (Caudill, 1963; Clarke, 1997; McVey, 1949; Weller, 1965). The poor and rural mountainous areas received little money or attention from the state to build schools or an education system for many years. The politicians and the wealthy, living in predominantly populated urban counties, held the real power in the state and totally ignored the poor Appalachians (McVey, 1949). Monies earmarked for roads throughout the state always seemed to disappear or dry up before arriving in the mountain counties. No roads continued the isolation. The state government's partiality with more populated counties and neglect of the mountain counties continued well into the 20th century (Deskins, 1994; Shapiro, 1978). The fIrst two state constitutions of 1792 and 1799 made no mention or provision for public education (McVey, 1949). The educated men who settled in Kentucky believed education was only for the elite, not the common man. In fact, the majority ofKentucky citizens, rich or poor, felt that education was a private matter and not the business ofthe state to furnish free education at public expense. Priorities considered more important than education were many, including: settling land title disputes; clearing the land and making a living; establishing a stable banking system and court system; promoting economic development; and maintaining a strong opposition to taxes (Clarke, 1997). The people simply did not realize the value or utility of education (Ligon, 1942). McVey (1949), Ligon (1942), and Clarke (1997) consistently refer to this negative public attitude concerning public education. Consequently, public schools were not funded by the state until 1904, one hundred twelve years after statehood. Sadly, this would not be the...