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336 THE CANADIAN HISTORICAL REVIEW Newcastle wasbynomeansalonein rejoicing,not soquietlyeither,atCumberland's discomfortwhen Braddockwasdefeatedand he wassupportedwhenhe declared thatAmericansshouldfightAmericansthereafter. Britain'ssubordinationof Americanto European affairs seems to rankle in the mindsof Americanhistorians asit undoubtedlydid in the mindsof their forbears. But asthisfactmaybeoneof thekeysto Browning'sthesis,Newcastle's continental policyand hiseffortsto keepwar out of Europein •755 cannotbe dismissed as 'fatuous.'The most revealingscenein •755 is actuallymissingfrom Browning's account asit isfromtheveteranonesof Horn andLodgeonwhomhehasrelied.It is the twistingof the arm of GeorgeII from June to August to make him talk to Frederickof Prussia, totakePittassecretary of state,toabandon Austriaandaccept the neutralizationof Hanover,andto return homeandplayhisproperpart in the administration.On the othersideof thehill, Browningignoresthe factionin Louis xv'schaoticcouncils whichwastryingto neutralizeAustriabyanon-aggression pact inordertobeabletohandleBritainwhichwouldthenhavenoallies. The pointisthat BritishandFrenchpolicies wereconvergent andthatNewcastle playedapositive role in therenversement. The inconsistencies in hispolicyaremoreapparentthanrealand theyare noreasonfor neglecting to analyse hispolicyasawhole.It isimportantfor Browning's argumentthatNewcastle's dilemmain •755and •756waslargelycreated by his own weakness in handlingthe American crisisin September•754. Of this Newcastle was well aware. These pieceswould not fit sosnuglyinto thejigsawpuzzlehad Browningnot completed somuchofthepicture.Hislineofreasoning isgoingtobefruitfulandhis biographyof Newcastle essential reading. DOMINICK GRAHAM University ofNewBrunswick Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought andSociety in honour ofJ.H. Plumb. Editedby•4eIL MCKeSt)RICK. London, EuropaPublications, •974.PP.x,3•9.$•6.5o. In hisintroductiontothisFestschrift honoringJ.H.Plumbonhisretirementfromthe Chairin ModernEnglishHistoryatCambridge,Neil McKendrickapologizes for the limitationsof the volume:the contributorswere all pupilsof Professor Plumband pastmembers of Christ's College; thesubject-matter isconfined tomodernEnglish history,theprincipalbutbynomeans thesoleareaofProfessor Plumb's research. No apologyisneeded.For thoseunfamiliar with Plumb'swork, the select bibliography whichconcludes the volumesuggests the extraordinaryrange of hisinterests;the distinguished listof contributorsand the scopeand qualityof the essays collected heretestifymosteloquently to hisinfluenceandbreadthof vision.Regrettably, in so shorta space onecando littlemorethanelaborateupontheir titles. J.J.Scarisbrick discusses the EnglishJesuitRobertPersons' Memorial for theReformation ofEngland (• 596),aremarkable planfor arestored andrenewedCatholic Commonwealth, and J.W. Burrowthevarious ways in whichtheconcept of theearlyvillage community REVIEWS 337 servedthe ideological purposes of historians in late nineteenth-century England. A.R.Halljoinsthedebate ontherelationship between science andtechnology inthe IndustrialRevolution, conceding atmostthelimitedinfluence of 'appliedscience,' if thisistakento mean'therationalandexperimentalstudyof techniques.' Eric Stokes findsthe keyto Kipling'sgeniusin hisambivalence towardthe nonEuropean culturesof the Commonwealth;Barry Supple usesthe evolutionof working-class friendlysocieties andsavings bankstoinvestigate theroleofthestatein the early nineteenthcentury.In a long essay,sureto provokecontroversy, Neil McKendrick takes issue with the traditional view of the role of women and children in the Industrial Revolution,arguingthat positiveeconomicbenefitsfollowedfrom their employment in industry.Specifically, heproposes thattheearningsof women andchildren, employed ingreaternumbers andgenerally athigherwages thaninthe past,increased familyincome substantially enoughtoprovideaprincipal impetus for the consumerrevolutionin the eighteenthcentury.Though it poses a numberof problems, theargumentisa persuasive one,andtheissues it raises arefundamental tounderstanding thenatureof theIndustrialRevolution. QuentinSkinner's elegantessay on Bolingbroke's opposition to Walpoleposits a generaltheoryoftherelationship between principleandactionin political lifeandat the sametimewarnsthe politicalhistorianthathe ignoresat hisperilthe professed principles of theactors, evenwhenhehasreason tobelieve theyareprofessed in an entirelycynical way.Rejecting boththeNamieriteviewthatbecause politics consisted solelyin the pursuitof power,declarations of principleare of noconsequence, and the revisionistinterpretationwhich accepts Bolingbroke'sprofesseddevotionto 'patriotic'principles assincere, Skinnerexplainsthebehaviourof Bolingbrokeand hisfriendsasa rationalcalculation of whatthe circumstances required.They were concerned tojustifya kindof generalor 'formed'opposition commonly regardedas unconstitutional andimmoral.Byconcentrating their attackontheissues regarded bytraditional Whigtheoryasmostthreatening topolitical liberty,theycouldplausiblyimplythattheWhigministrywaspursuing policies destructive to political liberty anddescribe theopposition as'patriotic' andthereforeacceptable. Skinner'sthesisprovides an interestingframeworkfrom whichto considerthe articlesby J.P. Kenyon and G.V. Bennett. Bennett elaboratesupon Walpole's methods in usingtheabortive Jacobite plotof •7• •-5 tocreateanationalcrisis from whichhe emergedasthe king'sfirstminister.Kenyonanalyzes the difficultiesthe Whigsencountered in gainingparliamentarymajoritiesin the firstdecades after •688in termsof theirinabilityto formulatea political theorywhichwouldreconcile theirinterpretationof therevolutionwiththegenerallyconservative outlookof most Englishmen. One canquestion whetherWhig powerandWhig theorysufferedas extensive aneclipse asKenyonsuggests. Buthisargumentcommands attentionand, liketheotheressays in thecollection, it makes for goodreadingaswell. SHEILA BIDDLE Columbia University ...

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