The Silk Weavers of Kyoto: Family and Work in a Changing Traditional Industry (review)

In The Silk Weavers of Kyoto, published posthumously, Tamara Hareven writes with great insight and passion about the household-based weaving industry in the Nishijin district of Kyoto, where generations of silk weavers have produced a famous variety of the obi, or sash, worn over traditional kimono. The book derives from an extensive oral history of this craft-based community, portraying in vivid detail the lives of Nishijin men and women. During her time spent in the community, Hareven managed to penetrate beneath the tradition and the "mystery" and gain the confidence of its craftspeople to a degree rarely attained.

In part 1 of the book, Hareven places her study of Nishijin in historical context and describes the nature of weaving production, the family as a business unit, and the identity and culture of the Nishijin craftspeople. Part 2 is devoted to narratives from individuals in the community, offering a depiction of their life histories, their pride in their work, and their fears about the future. In the final chapter, Hareven places the study of Nishijin in comparative perspective, drawing on her rich experience as a family and social historian.

Nishijin is caught between the old and the new, in clear danger of decline. Production is classified as a Japanese "traditional industry" which remains labor-intensive and not surprisingly bears the brunt of changing markets, fashions, and economic fluctuations. Technology has naturally had an impact. New weaving technology was first acquired from France, after the Meiji Revolution (1868), with the introduction of the jacquard system and its punch-card method of design configuration replacing the "human jacquard" system (p. 42). During the 1980s the punch-card system was increasingly replaced by the computerized jacquard. The other main technological transformation has involved the replacement of the hand loom with the power loom, a gradual process that began in the 1920s, then accelerated after World War II and especially since the 1980s. New technology has not automatically led to industrialized production, however. As Hareven remarks: "The case of Nishijin provides an unusual example of the complexities inherent in a traditional industry's interaction with technological change. . . . a flexible household production system joined forces with modern technology to create a new form of household industry based on a traditional, collective family economy" (pp. 67-68).

Hareven's analysis of the division of labor draws attention to the issue of gender. While women had previously been mainly involved in auxiliary or "human jacquard" work for male weavers, the introduction of the punch-card jacquard and power loom released Nishijin women to be weavers alongside men. This enabled them to gain a certain degree of status as skilled workers. Hareven was surprised to find that "Nishijin women weavers were outspoken and shared the conversation equally with their husbands" (p. 16). They were also "valued" for their skill, and Nishijin men have preferred to marry women with backgrounds in weaving. At the same time, as Hareven points out, they retain a "dual identity" (p. 89) as both weavers and housewives. They are expected to intersperse their skilled weaving work not only with auxiliary productive tasks to help out the men but also with domestic chores and child rearing. They are also more likely to take on weaving work outside the household for extra income in times of economic downturn.

The decline of this traditional industry is of great concern to the Nishijin community. Although it has always suffered under economic fluctuations, Hareven notes that the current decline began some time ago, with the oil shocks in the 1970s, and has worsened under Japan's recession since the early 1990s. Changing consumer tastes and shrinking markets have led to the transfer of production to regions of cheaper labor. Yet the situation is complicated and Hareven suggests that "Nishijin's crisis does not...