Thailand in 2012: A Year of Truth, Reconciliation, and Continued Divide

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Eternal Recurrence of Political Dramatization¹

On 26 May 2012, the Bangkok Post ran this line on its front page: “King makes historic return”. The previous day, King Bhumibol, accompanied by Queen Sirikit and Princess Sirindhorn, had made an official visit to Thung Makham Yong in Ayutthaya Province. Some four hundred years ago the area had been a battleground between Thai and Burmese troops. In recent times it has been used as a paddy field, promoted by the royal household as a showcase of the royally initiated kaem ling (monkey cheek) project to hold and conserve water for use in the dry season and to manage flood water during the rainy season. On this occasion, the king wore his green army uniform, signifying his cordial relationship with the Thai military institution.² It was “historic” because this was the first official trip outside Bangkok by King Bhumibol after having been hospitalized in September 2009 for lung inflammation. As usual, he was greeted by a huge crowd of well-wishers wearing all sorts of coloured shirts.

The day after the royal trip, the Yellow Shirt People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) started its rallies, first at Lumpini Park, then at the Royal Plaza, and finally in front of parliament to protest against the proposed reconciliation bills.³ The bills offered a blanket amnesty for politicians, state officials, and people involved in the political rallies that had taken place between 15 September 2005 and 10 May 2010. This means that former Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, his Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban, and the army chief and personnel who were responsible for the violent crackdown on the Red Shirt United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD) as well as leaders and ordinary Yellow and Red Shirt protesters would be set free. The bills further sought to annul orders and legal requirements initiated by the coup-appointed Assets Scrutiny Committee (ASC) to pave the way for a new judicial review and to return political rights to political party executives who were not involved in the poll fraud that led to the dissolution of their parties.

The ASC investigation led to the ruling in 2010 by the Supreme Court Criminal Division for Political Office Holders to seize assets worth 46 billion baht from Thaksin’s family after finding that he had abused his power to benefit his family’s telecom business. The attempt to annul the work of the ASC was interpreted as an avenue to return the seized assets to Thaksin. In the eyes of the PAD, the opposition Democrat Party, and anti-Thaksin groups of all kinds, the bill was nothing but a blatant attempt to whitewash Thaksin. In the process, a heavy blow would have been dealt to the justice system.

In parliament, the opposition Democrat Party derailed the House sessions in order to stop the consideration of the reconciliation bills. On 30 May, the Democrat MPs tried to physically pull House Speaker and ex-officio Parliament President Somsak Kiatsuranont from his bench and removed his chair after he called for votes to move the bills up for urgent consideration. On 31 May, Democrat MPs hurled objects and shouted tirades at Somsak, who was guarded by scores of parliament police after the Pheu Thai Party successfully voted to move the bills to urgent status on the agenda. Prior to the occurrence of these disgraceful incidents, the Democrat MPs, on 27 March, attempted to intimidate General Sonthi, who chaired the ad hoc House committee on national reconciliation, for his act of proposing the reconciliation bill to parliament for consideration. Abhisit, a leader of the Democrat Party, justified his party’s disgraceful actions by arguing that his party was ready to put aside its image and reputation for the sake of “national interest”.⁴

While this parliamentary chaos was taking place, the Yellow Shirts sealed off all the entrances to the Parliament Building on 1 June, forcing an adjournment of the House session for the first reading of the reconciliation bills. The PAD then...