Makeover TV: Selfhood, Citizenship, and Celebrity by Brenda R. Weber (review)

In Makeover TV, Brenda R. Weber argues that the existence of the makeover reality TV genre is indicative of broader social tensions that place citizens within “Makeover Nation.” In Makeover Nation, citizens must embrace an Americanness that pivots on normative notions of gender, race, and sex as well as neoliberal ideology that squarely situates the normative body within successful consumer and entrepreneurial endeavors. Weber’s central thesis is that within makeover TV, the “Before-body” (whether an actual body, car, home, etc.) exists within a non-normative state; hence, it is the makeover that produces the “After-body,” where selfhood and democratic citizenship are realized (and necessary).

Weber views gender as the main site of normative and non-normative discussions within makeover TV. She notes that whereas citizenship has meant an investment in the American dream (e.g., home ownership), within a late 20^th-century/early 21^st-century context, the dream has shifted to include “. . .affective entitlements, such as confidence and swagger, as well as to a broader sense of value, visibility, and charisma marked by a celebrated selfhood. . .” (39). Though Weber takes into account the difference that race and class make within the context of how hegemonic masculinity and subordinated masculinities are (re)presented within makeover TV, the transition to an affective state of the American Dream is actually nothing new for men of color. For example, long denied access to a number of hegemonic masculinity tropes (e.g., employment and economic security), African American males have always accrued masculinity “points” that are associated with the body (e.g., dress, hair, gait, etc.). Hence, what was once non-normative within the realm of hegemonic masculinity can be read as “normative,” thereby broadening the tenets of hegemonic masculinity. Nevertheless Weber illustrates the ironic nature of the makeover as it relates to men, as “real” men do not engage in such folly (that’s what women do), making the makeover essentially opposed to hegemonic masculinity.

Weber’s intriguing discussion of masculinity notwithstanding, she convincingly argues that the greatest gender battle within Makeover Nation is waged on women’s bodies, as women are besieged with messages that the “After-body” will bring about a state of joy (and therefore a means of escape from the “Before-body”). This message, an “I once was lost but now am found” narrative, is indicative of the ways in which women’s bodies have historically been sites of social and political ideological warfare. Yet Weber, in a move that may make some feminists uncomfortable, eschews the all-encompassing false consciousness claim by arguing that the makeover can also be read as empowering for women. Still, Weber’s nuanced discussion of the ways that makeover narratives push femaleness and femininity on female participants is part of a broader project that pushes women to believe that the acquisition of a normative body will bring about selfhood in the form of the “After-body.”

Weber’s analysis is quite impressive, as it is a wonderful illustration of how research that centers the body and beauty culture provides an important view of how ideologies about gender, race, and sexuality are related to neoliberal constructions of American identity. In using makeover TV as her site of analysis, Weber has made a valuable contribution to the literature in Women and Feminist Studies, Gender Studies, Ethnic Studies, Sociology, Cultural Studies, American Studies, Political Studies, Queer Studies, Communication Studies, and Media Studies.