Methodological Considerations in the Dictionary of Trinidadian English

METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS IN THE DICTIONARY OF TRINIDADIAN ENGLISH Lise Winer Background to the Dictionary of Trinidadian English Creole languages, like most nonstandard language varieties , traditionally have not been recognized as "real" languages, worthy of scholarly and educational consideration . Trinidadian English Creole (TEC) is no exception and has been generally regarded, even and especially by its native speakers, as a "bad" or "broken" kind of English . Indeed, the superficial similarities between TEC and English, particularly the considerable overlap in lexicon, obscure real differences between the languages. Although some work has been done on TEC grammar (e.g., Borely 1973, Broadbridge 1980, Solomon 1966), little research has been done on the lexicon of TEC. Aside from Ottley 's (1971) word list, most work on lexicon has focused on the influence on TEC of languages other than English , e.g., Spanish and French Creole (Bryan 1974, Laurence 1971, Richards 1966), Hindi-Bhojpuri (Dass 1975, Siriram 1976), and African languages (Warner 1971). Although Trinidad will be included in the Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage (Allsopp, in preparation), there has not yet been an adequate record of Trinidad's rich lexicon.1 Preparation of the Dictionary of Trinidadian English (DTE) has been guided by the classic ofEnglish creóle lexicography , Cassidy and Le Page's Dictionary ofJamaican English (1967 and 1980), and by Holm and Shilling's Dictionary ofBahamian English (1982). There are, ofcourse, great similarities among all Caribbean Englishes and English Creoles. Nonetheless, significant differences exist; for example, a preliminary estimate of the amount of lexical 36 Lise Winer37 overlap between dictionaries of Bahamian and Trinidadian Englishes runs to less than fifteen percent. The principles oflexical characterization and inclusion used in the DTE are generally the same as those of the previous two, although specific circumstances described below have required specific adaptations. Concentrated, systematic fieldwork or administration of a lengthy survey questionnaire has not been possible. However, over 4400 entries, ofwhich about 3700 are main entries, have been entered into a computer system in a dictionary format (Barkman and Winer, in press). Extensive oral interviewing has been carried out, primarily with a small number of informants who have been willing and able to provide useful information on lexical items. The checking ofprevious wordlists and dictionaries from elsewhere in the Caribbean continues, as does the research of written sources described below. It is estimated that an additional 1000 to 1500 words remain to be included in the first edition of the DTE. Before discussing some specific methodological problems in compiling the DTE, it is helpful to review the goals of the DTE, and the sociolinguistic-historic background of Trinidad. Goals of the DTE The DTE can serve two primary ends: the first educational and political, and the second historical and linguistic . The first responds to a frequent comment on TEC by native speakers: "Of course it's not a real language— it doesn't even have a proper dictionary." Even teachers sympathetic to the overt use and discussion ofTEC in the classroom have been hampered by the lack of adequate reference materials on the language. A "proper" dictionary of TEC would facilitate the language's recognition as legitimate and rule-governed and make it easier for teachers to implement comparative or specialized lessons 38Dictionary of Trinidadian English on TEC and English—in addition, of course, to being a reference source and providing pride and enjoyment for the general public. Second, a record of the historic and contemporary state of TEC can yield valuable information on the development ofTEC in Trinidad and ofthe links between TEC and other Caribbean English creóles. TEC Historical Background A Spanish colony until 1797, Trinidad became a British colony whose population was overwhelmingly French and/or French Creole speaking due to massive immigration from French islands such as Haiti and Martinique towards the end of the eighteenth century. The lingua franca of the island remained French Creole until the beginning of the twentieth century, when English Creole became predominant; today, French Creole (Patois ) in Trinidad is virtually extinct. Other language groups were also important. There was a considerable, if regionally isolated, Spanish speaking population and a small group of Chinese speakers. Some speakers of African languages such as Yoruba retained...