Language processing in Spanish Ed. by Manuel Carreiras, José E. García-Albea, and Nuria Sebastián-Galles (review)

892 LANGUAGE, VOLUME 73, NUMBER 4 (1997) tural performances to convey that cultures are achieved and performed and to underline the agency of women as users of language. The agency of women is undermined in subtle ways. Monica Macaulay and Colleen Brice (449-61) show how women portrayed in a 1991 syntax textbook become indirect objects rather than significant actors. Rae A. Moses (542-48) documents that obituaries of men stress their public roles, while those of women feature their private relations. Mary Bucholtz (50-61), one of several authors to note that women are not central to internet or television discourse, shows that even on the shopping channel, where one might expect women to have more authority , corporate interests control their language. However , as Yukako Sunaoshi shows (678-90), the private role can be a source of power, as with the Japanese female manager who transferred the traditional language and control of the mother to the workplace. The papers illustrate a wide range of dimensions of linguistic performance along ethnic, political, and social lines. D. Letticia Galindo (220-31) advocates documenting the many performances of Chicano voices, whether as storytellers, healers, evangelists, or shapers of ethnic identity. Elizabeth Noll (563-8) shows how women's performances of political discourse can leave them apparently expressing an objectionable social code at the same time that they challenge it. Pamela A. Saunders (621-30) argues that gossip among older women performs a group management function that transfers information and reinforces social norms. Anita Taylor and Judi Beinstein Miller (729-44) analyze language associated with femininity and masculinity to show how expectations limit the behavior of both genders and handicap cultural achievement. Several essays comment on the relation of women to language learning, not only as performers of language but also as teachers. Claire Kramsch and LrNDA von Hoene (378-87) discuss the paradox of trying to convey native speaking ability to second language learners who have not found their voice in the new language. Leanne Hinton (304-12) argues that women have been particularly effective in restoring Native American languages because differences in teaching style, e.g. the ability to draw people out, create superior results. The above remarks are necessarily briefand highly selective. They do not do justice to the range of cultural issues, gay and lesbian issues, or power and status issues ably articulated from a variety of perspectives in this rich volume. They do provide an initial sampler of a stimulating collection of essays that should be read thoughtfully and absorbed over a period of time. [Glenn Frankenfield, University ofMaine at Farmington.] Language processing in Spanish. Ed. by Manuel Carreiras, José E. GarcíaAlbea , and Nuria Sebastián-Galles. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1996. Pp. xviii, 365. Cloth $59.95. This volume is testimony to the invigoration of Spanish psycholinguistics in the past decade and a half. Because Spanish is different in many respects from English (e.g. richer morphology, shallower orthography ), the primary language in which psycholinguistic research has been conducted, such a development is important linguistically. This is illustrated nicely in the first chapter (1-19), in which Sebastian-Galles discusses the relationship between structural and metrical levels in speech perception: Spanish speakers use both levels. French speakers ignore stress; and English speakers rely primarily on stress. In Ch. 2 (21-59), Rosa M. Sánchez-Casas argues from both Spanish and English data that access proposals based on limiting the set of candidates by length of input string may be universal, but those based on syllable structure are not. José J. Cañas and María Teresa Baio devote Ch. 3 (61-87) to showing that priming effects in lexical decision are jointly produced by several processes. Although shallow orthography might lead us to think Spanish would not be read lexically, in Ch. 4 (89-118), Francisco Valle-Arroyo demonstrates that Spanish readers, like English readers, use both lexical and nonlexical paths to reading. In Ch. 5 (119-43), Jesús Alegría examines lip-reading in French deafchildren, aided by cued speech, as a main source of phonological systems very similar to those of normal hearing children. The next two chapters debate the role of...