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216 LANGUAGE, VOLUME 62, NUMBER 1 (1986) reich'. The contributors do not, however, include the present generation of the 'Vienna school ofdialectology' ; rather, W presents some highly significant articles and textual selections from some ofthe founders ofthe Vienna school, e.g. Johann Willibald Nagl (1856-1918), Joseph SeemOller (1855-1920), Primus Lessiak (1878-1937), Anton Pfalz (1885-1958), Walter Steinhauser (1885-1980), and Eberhard Kranzmayer (1897-1975). W characterizes the Vienna school in a highly informative 'Einleitung ' (1-18) as having had an early interest in sociological aspects and stratification ofdialects (Nagl, 71-5) as well as in foreign language contacts —e.g. German and Slovenian in Carinthia (Lessiak, 249-63), and German-Rheto-Romance (Kranzmayer, 265-78)—and in the structuraUst approach to synchronic and diachronic descriptions (e.g. Pfalz, 43-63). A short 'Literaturverzeichnis ' (18-21) lists also studies by A. Haasbauer, Otto Höfler, M. H. Jelünek, and H. Pinsker. Here K. Luick's Deutsche Lautlehre (1904), L. Hathaway's study ofthe dialect ofImst, and many otherpublications could have been added. The type ofphonological structuralism so important for diachronic descriptions is shown in Pfalz's 'ReihenschritteimVokalismus'—astudy valued by Lessiak, who is himself represented (101-11) by an excerpt from his major work Beiträge zur Geschichte des deutschen Konsonantismus (1933). Kranzmayer, the most prominent and influential among the Viennese dialectologists, is represented by articles on the modern Vienna dialect (165-208) and on eß vs. ihr in Bavarian (237-47), as weU as by an excerpt from his important Historische Lautgeographie des gesamtbairischen Dialektraumes of 1956 (pp. 113-51). Structural phonology in the work ofPfalz and Kranzmayer should not surprise us when we consider that, from 1923, N. S. Trubetzkoy (12) was Pfalz's colleague at the University of Vienna , and that Kranzmayer took Slavistic courses from him there. Thus before A. Martinet 's push-chains and drag-chains, we find not only Reihenschritte (43 ff.) but also Reihenausweichung , Reihenzusammenfall, Reihengefühl (128), and Homonymenflucht (138 ff.) Kranzmayer considered the sounds of modern dialects as the most significant evidence for German phonological history, especially those of isolated rural 'Sprachinseln'—e.g. the Cimbrian dialect in the Seven Communities of Upper Italy, settled about 1100 from Bavaria. He seems surprised (174) that a complete outsider Uke B. Koekkoek did so weU in analysing Vienna's sound system. It was with fascination that a dialectologist Uke Kranzmayer (127-8) observed a sound change in progress: the spread of the monophthongization of [ae] in weiß and [ao] in Haus from the blue-coUar dialect of Vienna to its middle-class Umgangssprache; however , his explanation in terms of the Falldruck in the speech ofVienna's Czech minority seems very impressionistic. GeneraUy speaking, Kranzmayer's linguistic presentation, particularly of historical events and data, reads often Uke the script ofa briUiant lecture where documentation and specific evidence have been omitted. No footnote teUs the reader, e.g., in which document or deed the spelling Moasar (144) occurs 'in Brixen urn 1220', or in which passages of Hans Vintler's Blumen der Tugend (246) one can find the ihr/ eß occurrences. The use of quite unfamiUar symbols does not phonetically describe the alleged four different sibilants (135) in Early Middle High German. It is clear that a comprehensive , well-documented history of the Bavarian dialects still has to be written; but I am sure this will be done by some scholar linked to the present 'Wiener Dialektologische Schule', and will be based on the distinguished work of Kranzmayer and the scholars before him. [Herbert Penzl, Berkeley.] Beiträge zur bairischen und ostfränkischen Dialektologie: Ergebnisse der Zweiten Bayerisch-Österreichischen Dialektologentagung Wien, 27. bis 30. September 1983. Ed. by Peter Wiesinger. (Göppinger Arbeiten zur Germanistik, 409.) Göppingen: Kümmerle, 1984. Pp. 285. In the cities of postwar southern West Germany and Austria, a strong shifting tendency exists among the three main varieties of speech, the 'blue-coUar' local dialect ('Mundart'), the middle-class colloquial speech ('Umgangssprache '), and the standard language ('Hochsprache ', 'Schriftsprache', 'Standardsprache'). The shift is from the Mundart to the Umgangssprache , which then tends to become a modified dialectal rather than a modified standard type. This is Ukely to be...

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