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BOOK REVIEWS321 Trans-Mississippi Quartermaster Bureau "managed to maintain its [the Confederacy's] forces in the field for four long years." ... . ...George L. Anderson University of Kansas Lyman Trumbull: Conservative Radical. By Mark M. Krug. (New York: A. S. Barnes and Company, 1965. Pp. 370. $7.50.) Lyman Trumbull's active career as a schoolteacher, lawyer, and politician spanned more than sixty years and no less than four different political parties. Scion of a distinguished Connecticut family, Trumbull emigrated to Illinois in the 1830's and Eke another and more famous prairie lawyer, he entered politics via election to the state legislature. After fourteen years of service as a faithful Democrat, which included five years as a judge of the state supreme court, he broke with his party in 1854 over the Kansas-Nebraska Act and helped found the Republican party in Illinois . In 1855 a coalition of anti-Nebraska Democrats and Whigs sent Trumbull to the United States Senate, where he became chairman of the powerful Judiciary Committee when the Republicans assumed power in 1861. During the Civil War and Reconstruction, Trumbull authored or cosponsored several key legislative enactments, including the first and second Confiscation Acts, the Thirteenth Amendment, and the Freedmen's Bureau and Civil Rights bills of 1866. A leading member of the "Moderate" wing of the Republican party during Reconstruction, Trumbull did his best to prevent a breach between President Andrew Johnson and the congressional Republicans, but Johnson's intransigence drove Trumbull, along with other moderates, into support of a more "Radical" policy. In spite of his prominent identification with freedom and civil rights for the Negro, Trumbull, like Lincoln, was a cautious gradualist on the race question. He was an unenthusiasrjc support of military Reconstruction and Negro suffrage, and in 1868, when the impeachment of Johnson was synonymous with sound Republicanism, he was one of the seven Republican senators to vote for acquittal. In subsequent years Trumbull became disillusioned with the course of southern Reconstruction, the Grant administration, and the Republican party, and in 1872 he was a leading contender for the presidential nomination of the Liberal Republican party. After returning to the Democratic fold in 1873, Trumbull retired from active politics, reemerging from his Chicago law practice to run for governor in 1880 and to serve as elder statesman of the Illinois Populist party in the 1890's. Following the path hewn out by David Donald, Eric McKitrick, Charles A. Jellison, LaWanda and John Cox, and W. R. Brock, the author of this biography argues persuasively that the Radicals were neither a united nor dominant faction in the Republican party, that there was a subtle, complex, and shifting relationship between Radicals and Moderates (including Lincoln ) ranging from sharp but temporary disagreement to total cooperation, 322CIVIL WAR HISTORY and that Moderate leaders like Trumbull sought grounds of harmony between Andrew Johnson and the congressional Republicans until Johnson made disharmony irrevocable in the spring and summer of 1866. In his eagerness to demonstrate that Congress was not dominated by Radicals during the 1860's, however, Professor Krug presents the opposite and untenable thesis that legislation was controlled "by a coalition of moderate and conservative Republicans and the Democratic minority." In support of this contention, the author shows that Moderates and Conservatives voted together to defeat several Radical objectives, including the confiscation of Confederate-owned plantations, provisions for federally guaranteed public schools in the South, and a longer probation of southern states before readmission . But this does not mean that Congress was controlled by an alliance of Democrats and Moderate and Conservative Republicans. The occasional cooperation of these groups doubtless made Reconstruction less "Radical" than it would have been if Sumner and Stevens had had their way, but from the Freedmen's Bureau bul of 1866 to the Fifteenth Amendment in 1869, every important Reconstruction measure was constructed by a coalition of Moderates and Radicals along lines originally advocated by the Radicals, with the Conservatives and Democrats almost invariably voting in opposition. If Radical Reconstruction was only a qualified victory for the Radicals, it was a virtuaUy unqualified defeat for the Conservative Republicans and Democrats. Professor KiUg1S attempt to manufacture a powerful Moderate-Conservative "coalition" further obfuscates...

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