In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviews123 In Homeplaces Williams demonstrates the value of oral history in unraveling the complex interrelationships of house plan with social use. The periodic disjunctions between plan and use that she found in southern Appalachia sound a cautionary note for those who seek to deduce cultural traits from mute artifacts. Williams has also painted a powerful and poignant portrait of a departed social milieu, and of the symbolic importance of the old homeplace to a generation of living memory. The Emergence of David Duke and the Politics of Race. Edited by Douglas Rose. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992. 255 pp. Cloth, $29.95; paper, $12.95. Reviewed by Richard A. Pride, Associate Professor ofPolitical Science at Vanderbilt University and co-author ofThe Burden of Busing: The Politics of Desegregation in Nashville, Tennessee. This book is interesting for the story it tells, the story that it fails to tell, and the story it ought to have told but didn't. There is no confusion, though, about the central fact: David Duke, an articulate if wily racist, attracted a majority of Louisiana's white voters as the Republican candidate in losing campaigns for the U.S. Senate and for governor in 1990 and 1991, respectively. There are eleven essays and eleven contributors to The Emergence ofDavid Duke and the Politics ofRace. Some contributors are academics, some are journalists, but they are all public intellectuals arguably committed to stopping Duke's rise to power. This is the story the book ought to have told, but more about that later. First, let's look at the story it does tell. The Emergence ofDavid Duke coheres remarkably well around a guiding narrative first given to us in the introduction by Douglas Rose, the book's major contributor and editor. Rose writes epigrammatically: In America, in the South, in Louisiana, lived David Duke. Duke was elected to the state legislature despite his racist past and his continued associations, which embarrassed other Republicans. Duke attacked blacks for holding the wrong values whereas he used to attack blacks for carrying the wrong genes. Duke found an audience for his message because political elites couldn't make up their minds what to do. Supporters liked his message, opponents didn't like his past. Voters, the press, the party, the policymakers, and his opponents did not know what to do about David Duke and uncertainties remain. What remains? Rose hints at the answer by placing Yeats's "The Second Coming" right after the book's dedication: "Things fall apart; the center cannot hold. . . . And what rough beast, its hour come at last, / Slouches toward Bethlehem to be bom?" We are pointed toward a horrific advent. Ferrei Guillory is a journalist who has written about the South for many years; he is now Southern Editor of the News and Observer in Raleigh, North Carolina. Guillory reminds us that the transformation of the South over the past several decades has created frustrations between some blacks and whites over jobs, schooling, and housing, and that the Republicans willingly served as a vehicle for white resistance and disaffection in their desire to overturn the dominance of the Democratic party. Guillory states that Duke's 124Southern Cultures success "puts Southern Republicans face-to-face with a moral challenge: Do they persist in seeking political advantage from lingering racial disharmonies, or do they turn their energies to healing wounds and thus remaking the South?" He says the specter of race still haunts us, but the "antidote to Dukedom is leadership." And scholarship, too, one can't help asking? In "David Duke: The White Night," William V. Moore sets out Duke's personal history and special mission: "He strives to make extremism acceptable." Duke affiliated himself with the Klan while still in high school. At Louisiana State University in 1969 he embraced Nazism through the National Socialist Liberation Front, the college arm of the National Socialist White People's party, and published The Racialist, a newspaper for young extremists. By 1973 he was a leader in the Louisiana Ku Klux Klan, and edited its publication , The Crusader. He increased the membership of the Klan from several hundred to three thousand within a year. In 1975...

pdf

Additional Information

ISSN
1534-1488
Print ISSN
1068-8218
Pages
pp. 123-126
Launched on MUSE
2012-01-04
Open Access
No
Archive Status
Back To Top

This website uses cookies to ensure you get the best experience on our website. Without cookies your experience may not be seamless.