The Classification of Strong Verbs in Norwegian with Special Reference to the Oslo Dialect: A Study in Inflectional Morphology (review)

It has long been recognized that there is considerable instability in the strong verb (and by implication, weak verb) system of the Germanic languages. In general, this instability has been identified with processes of drift towards the weak verb system due to root vowel ambiguity. In his revised doctoral dissertation on strong verbs in the Oslo dialect of Norwegian, Hans-Olav Enger has convincingly demonstrated that, in fact, the strong verb system (at least within the bounds of that variety) is healthy and, indeed, attracting new members of various classes. Central to his thesis is the idea that there are rather more patterns to be observed than the traditional seven classes which nineteenth century philology recognized for early Germanic variants, a point which he demonstrates with meticulous attention to phonemic and morphological detail. Seldom, for instance, have I seen so much care taken in distinguishing between the characteristic Norwegian tonemes.

Basing his argument securely within the framework of cognitive grammar, natural morphology and word-and-paradigm, all of which he discusses and exemplifies admirably, E divides his book into seven sections. Sections 1–3 are introductory. Section 1 deals with practical matters of description and methodology; Section 2 discusses previous attempts at classification; Section 3 discusses the theoretical assumptions upon which the study is based. In addition to the morphological theories already mentioned, E provides a clear and concise explication of essentially psycholinguistic and transformational/generative views.

Section 4 provides a useful survey of the verb inflections to be found in the Oslo dialect. Problems of classifying this information are discussed in considerable depth in Section 5. Problems of formal distinctiveness, such as the difference between supine and participle, are addressed as are questions of productivity in terms of movement between strong classes and weak classes and vice versa. Section 6 discusses some particularly ‘knotty’ problems, exposing them to a variety of theoretical approaches with considerable success. Section 7 acts as both a conclusion and an opportunity to suggest further possible research.

In general the book achieves admirably what it sets out to do. Its clear use of theory to explain and codify usage is exemplary. Some readers might feel that an opportunity has been missed in not permitting a sociolinguistic dimension to the study, however. What, for instance, can be made of any distinctions between this rather denigrated dialect and the relatively similar Bokmål standard? Which is more morphologically rich? If it is the dialect rather than the standard, can this be explained as being due merely to the (ultimately) Danish origin of Bokmål, or will we have to reconsider some of our assumptions about the nature of diglossia? These are minor quibbles, however.